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为东方研究所口述历史项目采访Hervé Reculeau

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Hervé Reculeau 讨论亚述学、楔形文字证据和古代气候研究,质疑关于气候驱动崩溃的简单叙述。

古代文化研究所 · 发布于 · 18分钟 · 英语 · 许可:CC BY 3.0 · 来源:在YouTube上观看

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AI生成的摘要

Hervé Reculeau 讲述他进入亚述学的道路,以及对古代社会如何应对气候变化的研究。这段访谈将楔形文字证据与环境代用数据联系起来,并区分气候的变化与人们对天气的预期。Reculeau 质疑那些把社会崩溃 solely 归因于气候的解释,并以亚述作为一个使该说法复杂化的案例。他还讨论了处于压力下的农业社会的计算机模型。这些模型被呈现为根据历史证据检验可能应对方式的方法,而不是用来证明过去究竟发生了什么的工具。

要点

  • [3:28][] 这项研究询问古代社会如何感知和应对环境变化。
  • [11:14][] 亚述的存续为只关注崩溃社会的叙述提供了一个对照。
  • [17:00] 建模提供了一种独立的方式,用考古和文本证据来检验各种情景。

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完整概述

芝加哥大学亚述学助理教授埃尔韦·雷屈洛(Hervé Reculeau)讲述了他作为法国历史系本科生时兴趣是如何开始的,以及他教学生如何阅读楔形文字和阿卡德语。他指出,芝加哥大学有四名亚述学教授,再加上研究阿卡德语的语言学家丽贝卡·哈塞尔巴赫-安迪(Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee),提供了跨越数千年的广泛专业方向,这几乎是其他地方无法提供的。他参与了一个缩写为3CEA的合作项目,该项目由“无墙人文”联盟资助、梅隆基金会支持,研究埃及、安纳托利亚和东地中海地区的古代社会如何利用冰芯、湖泊沉积物和花粉等代用数据应对气候变化事件。他区分了气候与天气,强调人们通过“天气应该是什么样”的预期来感知气候,并依据这些预期采取行动;他质疑气候变化导致社会崩溃的决定论叙事,包括青铜时代晚期崩溃,并引用埃里克·克莱恩(Eric Cline)的观点,即崩溃通常是灾难的“完美风暴”。他聚焦于在其他社会消失时幸存下来的亚述,以及来自杜尔-卡特利穆(Dur Katlimmu)的楔形文字收成记录——这些记录显示了农业发展 and 灌溉——他认为亚述人部分地感知到了气候变化,而他感兴趣的是他们尝试过,而不是他们失败了。他还描述了东方研究所与多伦多大学主办的CRANE项目的一项合作,该项目用计算机模型而非考古或文本数据来模拟社会对气候变化的响应;他与杜伦大学的林恩·韦尔顿博士(Dr. Lynn Welton)一起,正在开发一个处于压力下的农业社会的基于主体的模型,并将IPCC大气环流模型以前所未有的规模应用于过去时期,聚焦于叙利亚北部和安纳托利亚东南部,以检验扩大或集约化耕作等情景。该模型并非意在说明过去发生了什么,而是用证据来检验各种情景,而不匹配可能表明模型或适应理论需要修改;他作为历史学家的角色,是依据对古代农业社会的知识,使基于主体的模型尽可能贴近现实。

带时间戳的章节摘要

埃尔韦·雷屈洛谈芝加哥大学的亚述学

  • [0:05] 埃尔韦·雷屈洛是芝加哥大学亚述学助理教授,隶属于东方研究所、近东语言与文明系以及本科学院。
  • [0:17] 他对亚述学的兴趣始于在法国巴黎1先贤祠-索邦大学读历史系本科时。
  • [0:28] 他最初对希腊和罗马世界感兴趣,后来发现了更古老的领域,并在修读古代美索不达米亚历史课程后入了迷。
  • [0:49] 作为助理教授,他教学生阅读和解读泥板上的楔形文字以及记录其上的阿卡德语。
  • [1:05] 芝加哥大学目前有四名亚述学教授:玛莎·罗斯(Martha Roth)、苏珊娜·保卢斯(Susanne Paulus)、约翰·威(John Wee)和他本人。
  • [1:14] 语言学家丽贝卡·哈塞尔巴赫-安迪也专注于阿卡德语,因此学生可以向不同时期、文字和方言的专家学习。
  • [1:32] 这种跨越数千年的阿卡德语专业广度,世界上几乎其他地方都无法提供。
  • [1:40] 他目前参与一个缩写为3CEA的合作项目。

古代气候变化代用数据项目

  • [1:51] 该项目包括芝加哥大学的教师和研究生,以及普渡大学和密歇根大学的同事和学生。
  • [2:00] 该项目获得了“无墙人文”联盟的资助,该联盟由安德鲁·W·梅隆基金会资助,旨在支持人文学科之间的合作与跨学科研究。
  • [2:12] 该项目研究埃及、安纳托利亚和东地中海地区的古代社会如何应对气候变化事件。
  • [2:29] 古代的温度和降雨无法直接测量,因此需要代用数据来重建过去的气候。
  • [2:41] 代用数据包括冰芯、湖泊沉积物和花粉,它们记录了过去气候模式的某些部分。
  • [2:57] 古气候学在过去30年里蓬勃发展并达到了一定程度的成熟,使人们对气候在数千年间如何演变有了较好的认识。
  • [3:06] 树木年代学和放射性碳测年使这些记录能够被置于时间尺度上。
  • [3:20] 研究社会中的气候还需要考察社会这一方面,这正是该项目的用武之地。

气候、天气与古代社会

  • [3:28] 研究兴趣与其说在于气候如何随时间演变,不如说在于它如何影响古代社会,以及他们如何感知和应对气候。
  • [3:42] 这需要能够发掘和理解考古材料或阅读古代文本的人,例如埃及学家、赫梯学家和亚述学家。
  • [3:52] 气候是古代历史中非常重要的组成部分,因为过去所有社会都是农业社会。
  • [4:04] 美索不达米亚和埃及社会常被视为城市社会,但其背景是农业和乡村,包括文本中不常出现的、支撑整个体系的非精英人群。
  • [4:47] 对农民、地主和收税人来说,重要的与其说是气候,不如说是天气——农业周期特定时点的天气、足够的降雨或灌溉水,以及适宜的温度。
  • [5:05] 气候不是天气;气候是对较长时期天气的外推,传统上为30年,在现代科学中使用统计学。
  • [5:34] 这类统计数据对于过去并不可得,但也不需要,因为重要的是每个人都通过天气应该怎样的预期来感知气候。
  • [6:08] 人们基于这些预期行事,因此如果实际气候正在变化,问题就在于他们是改变自己的预期,还是坚持原有预期,并可能以不适合不断演变的气候的方式行事。

质疑气候驱动的崩溃叙事

  • [6:40] 演讲者旨在以不同于通俗书籍和报纸所描绘的方式来考察古代气候变化。
  • [7:01] 过去三十年产生的数据已逐渐主导了关于古代气候变化的讨论。
  • [7:09] 那场讨论与我们今天如何感知气候变化以及我们对未来的恐惧相关联。
  • [7:28] 演讲者认为,气候变化从来都不是、很可能也不是一种接管社会能动性的决定性力量。
  • [7:44] 一种流行的描绘将古代气候变化框定为社会崩溃的原因,这种叙事见于报纸、面向大众的书籍以及一些科学研究中。
  • [8:03] 那种话语通常并不真正代表材料所告诉我们的内容。
  • [8:08] 将古气候数据与历史和考古数据相关联非常困难,因为它们在时间和空间的尺度上运作方式截然不同。
  • [8:31] 在一条气候曲线上,两三百年可能只是一个点,但历史学家看到两百年间发生了许多事情。
  • [8:49] 社会的回应方式和人类的行为具有必须为过去、现在和未来加以考虑的重要性。

质疑气候驱动的青铜时代崩溃

  • [9:04] 晚青铜时代崩溃是最著名的案例之一,安纳托利亚的赫梯人以及黎凡特、东地中海和爱琴海地区的诸社会大约在公元前12世纪消失。
  • [9:30] 一种重要的叙事将这次崩溃与公元前12至10世纪前后的一次突发气候事件相关联。
  • [9:43] 困难在于他们是如何关联的,以及关联能否等同于因果,这往往正是逻辑谬误所在,原因在于时间尺度上的困难。
  • [9:59] 仔细审视数据,崩溃这个词可能太大了,因为在许多案例中都能找到延续的模式。
  • [10:13] Eric Cline指出,在历史上单一原因造成社会崩溃是非常罕见的;总是他所称的灾难的完美风暴将社会推过临界点。
  • [10:42] 演讲者试图考察是否真的存在一个符合坏气候导致社会崩溃这一模式的突发事件。
  • [10:56] 好气候意味着文明、坏气候意味着文明终结的叙事简单而有力,但问题在于它并不真实。

亚述的存续与气候应对

  • [11:14] 演讲者被亚述所吸引,既作为一名楔形文字学者,也因为亚述在同一时期并未崩溃。
  • [11:24] 有一种普遍假设认为亚述至少作为一个政治实体经历了更艰难的时期,但它存续了下来,并大约在公元前9世纪成为中东领先的帝国强权。
  • [11:56] 来自叙利亚Dur Katlimmu的楔形文字收成记录,主要来自公元前14世纪尤其是13世纪,显示当亚述人在叙利亚贾兹拉扩张时,他们显然也实施了一项涉及灌溉的强有力的农业发展计划。
  • [12:25] 灌溉并非亚述传统的一部分,因为亚述传统上更像是一个依赖雨养农业的国家。
  • [12:46] 所谓的突发事件,即持续200年的突发,出现在一场始于公元前3千纪末的长期干旱趋势的末端。
  • [13:38] 演讲者认为亚述人部分地察觉到了气候正在变化,这在一定程度上解释了他们对有良好灌溉水源地区的扩张。
  • [13:49] 他们的生产记录显示收成极差,但作为历史学家,演讲者感兴趣的是他们尝试过,而不是他们失败了。
  • [14:06] 演讲者想要考察社会如何尝试应对气候变化,这项工作很可能将成为3CEA项目的一部分,这是他们将参与的最重要的项目之一。

古代近东气候应对建模

  • [14:33] 第二个项目从不同角度考察社会对气候变化的应对,通过与CRANE项目的OI合作。
  • [14:45] CRANE代表古代近东计算研究,由加拿大 Toronto 大学主办。
  • [15:00] 演讲者与 Durham 大学的 Lynn Welton 博士合作,她曾是OI的博士后。
  • [15:16] 与3CEA中使用考古或文本数据不同,他们用计算机模型来模拟社会对气候变化的应对。
  • [15:36] Lynn Welton正在开发两个模型:一个处于压力下的农业社会的基于主体的模型,以及一个IPCC使用的、应用于过去时期的环流模型。
  • [16:09] 该气候模型的尺度被描述为前所未有,聚焦于覆盖叙利亚北部和安纳托利亚东南部的区域。
  • [16:29] 他们计划模拟诸如晚青铜时代末期前后干旱化事件等时期,并测试扩大或加强耕作等情景。
  • [17:00] 该模型并非旨在说明过去发生了什么,而是根据证据检验各种情景,不匹配可能表明模型或适应理论需要重新调整。
  • [17:35] 演讲者作为历史学家的角色,是依据对古代农业社会的知识,使基于主体的模型尽可能贴近现实。

[0:05] 你好,我是 Hervé Reculeau。我是芝加哥大学的亚述学助理教授,任职于这里的东方研究所、近东语言与文明系,也在本科学院任教。我对亚述学的兴趣始于我在法国读本科的时候,当时我在巴黎1先贤祠-索邦大学学习。我本科读的是历史,对古代世界很感兴趣,而对我来说,那主要意味着,你知道,希腊和罗马世界,后来我意识到还有其他更古老的领域,于是我开始选修古代美索不达米亚历史的课程,然后我就,我就迷上了,接着我拿到了博士学位,还有,嗯,硕士、博士和博士后,你知道,我现在有一份亚述学家的工作。

[0:49] 我作为这里的亚述学助理教授所做的工作之一,就是教学生如何阅读和释读泥板上的楔形文字,以及这些泥板上记录的语言,也就是阿卡德语。其实我不是唯一做这件事的人。这是芝加哥大学的一大财富,目前有四位,四位亚述学教授。Martha Roth、Susanne Paulus、John Wee 和我本人,另外还有 Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee,她是一位语言学家,但她的工作真正聚焦于阿卡德语,所以学生真的有机会向不同时期、不同文字类型、不同方言、阿卡德语在数千年间演变的不同方式的专家学习,我认为这几乎是世界上其他地方都没有提供的。

[1:40] 所以我目前参与一个合作项目,我们简称它为3CEA——应对古代早期气候变化。这是一个有芝加哥大学的一些教师和研究生参与的项目,但也有来自普渡大学和密歇根大学的同事和学生。我们非常幸运,因为我们获得了“ Humanities Without Walls”联盟的资助,该联盟由 Andrew W Mellon 基金会资助,以支持人文学科之间的合作与跨学科研究。

[2:12] 所以这是一个考察埃及、安纳托利亚、东地中海古代社会如何应对气候变化事件的项目。我们用来重建气候变化的证据,显然我们无法测量古代的像气温和降雨这样的东西,因为我们没有用于现代气候变化的测量手段。所以首先需要做的事情之一就是拥有代用数据——能够告诉你过去气候状况的数据。比如冰芯、湖泊沉积物、花粉,所有这些记录过去气候模式部分的要素。所以这不是我们自己做的事情,这是一个在过去30年里蓬勃发展的领域,叫做古气候学,现在这个领域已经达到了一定程度的成熟,我们确实对气候在数千年间如何演变有了很好的了解,而且通过树木年轮学和放射性碳定年,我们也能把这些标定在年代尺度上。

[3:17] 所以这是气候的部分。但当你考察社会中的气候时,当然,你也想考察社会的部分,而这正是我们发挥作用的地方,因为对我们来说,有趣的与其说是气候如何随时间演变,不如说是它如何影响了古代社会。他们如何感知气候变化。他们如何对此做出反应。所以这就是为什么你需要能够很好地发掘和理解考古材料或阅读古代文本的人,比如埃及学家、赫梯学家,或者作为亚述学家的我。

[3:52] 嗯,气候按定义是古代历史中非常重要的组成部分,因为过去所有社会都是农业社会。即使我们在美索不达米亚、埃及研究的这些社会,我们认为它们是城市社会,因为它们当然创造了非常重要的城市,但这些城市的背景是农业,是乡村。这些人在文本中我们常常看不到,因为他们不是精英。他们不参与宫殿或神庙的世界,但他们是维持整个体系的人,是社会的基础。

[4:27] 所以这些社会中的每个人都会非常清楚任何与农业有关的事情,而我的工作真正聚焦于农业。那么对于从事农业的人来说,什么重要呢?我是说对于这些农民、地主或收税人来说,因为税收也是基于农业生产的。其实与其说是气候,不如说是天气。是你在一年中农业周期的哪个时间点得到什么样的天气。你的作物生长是否有足够的降雨或灌溉水,气温是否适宜,等等,等等。

[5:05] 所以当我们考察气候变化时,我们实际上考察的是稍微不同的东西。气候不是天气。气候可以说是天气在更长时间段上的外推。在现代科学中,这是通过统计学来使用的。你取气候的所有这些不同因素,比如降雨、气温和其他因素,然后考察一个传统上为30年的时期的平均值和变率。当然,我们没有过去的这些统计数据,但某种程度上我们不需要它们,因为重要的是每个人都感知气候。

[5:43] 我不做统计,但我知道一年中那个时节通常会出现什么样的天气,而这就是我们在闲聊气候时一直都会做的事情。哦,这个季节雨水挺多的,或者这个季节阳光挺充足的,又或者天气挺暖和的。这是因为人类对自己所处的环境、对天气应该是什么样有一种预期,而作为历史学家,我们感兴趣的是,人们会根据这些预期行事,正是基于这些预期。所以,如果实际气候正在变化,对我们来说有趣的是,他们是否会改变自己的预期?

[6:23] 还是说他们仍然坚持这种预期、这些他们拥有的期望,然后也许以某种对如今正在演变的那种气候而言并非最优的方式行事。所以,我们感兴趣的事情之一,尤其是在这个项目中,是以一种与大多数通俗书籍或报纸在报道时、以及实际上在很多科学文章中也非正式地描绘的方式相当不同的方式来看待古代气候变化。

[6:58] 正如我所说,我们有过去三十年来产生的这一非常重要的数据量,而在某种程度上,它已经取代了关于古代气候变化讨论的讨论,当然,这与我们今天感知气候变化的方式以及我们对未来的恐惧是相关的。我们试图重新纳入图景并试图让人们意识到的是,气候变化在过去从来不是——我认为现在和未来也不是——一种决定性的力量,你知道,它会取代社会能动性。

[7:41] 所以,描绘古代气候变化最流行的方式之一就是将其视为社会崩溃的原因。这是一个非常强大的叙事,你可以在报纸、面向大众的书籍中,以及在一些科学研究中经常读到。这种话语的问题在于,它通常并不真正代表材料真正告诉我们的内容。主要问题之一是,很难将古代气候数据、古气候数据与历史数据、考古数据关联起来,因为这些数据在非常不同的时间和空间尺度上运作。

[8:27] 所以,当你观察古代气候变化的曲线时,有时两三百年在那条曲线上只是一个点,但对我们历史学家来说,两百年里发生了很多事情,因此我们试图做的事情之一就是让人们意识到,你知道,社会回应的方式、人类行为的方式实际上具有重要性,需要为过去考虑,我认为对现在和未来也是如此。

[9:00] 让我举个例子,我目前正在研究的一个案例是所谓的青铜时代晚期崩溃。这是最著名的案例之一,在安纳托利亚,赫梯人,在黎凡特、东地中海、爱琴海地区,许多社会大致在同一时间消失,大约在公元前12世纪,关于这次崩溃有一个重要的叙述说,嗯,这与公元前12至10世纪左右的一次突然气候事件相关。

[9:43] 现在,困难在于,他们是如何关联的,我们能否将关联等同于因果关系?而这往往就是逻辑谬误所在。因为,正如我所说,我们在时间尺度上有这些困难。所以,首先,当你仔细查看细节、查看数据时,你会意识到崩溃这个词可能太大了。在很多情况下,如果你去寻找,可以发现连续性的模式。所以这是第一个问题。第二个问题,我认为更普遍地说,这是埃里克·克莱恩几年前出版的一本关于那次崩溃事件的书中所指出的,历史上单一原因造成社会崩溃是非常罕见的。

[10:26] 这总是他所称的灾难的完美风暴,使社会越过某个临界点。但对我们项目、尤其对我个人工作来说更重要的是,我试图看到的是,我们是否真的有一个突然的事件在起作用,在这种模式中,你知道,气候、恶劣气候导致社会崩溃?这是一个非常强大的叙事,因为它简单。好气候,文明。坏气候,文明终结。那很容易。每个人都理解。问题在于,这不是真的。

[11:11] 所以,我在工作时做的一件事是,我最初对亚述感兴趣,因为那是我作为楔形文字学家会研究的内容,也因为亚述在同一时期是一个非常有趣的情况,因为他们没有崩溃。有一种普遍的假设认为他们经历了更艰难的时期,至少作为一个政治实体。但他们没有崩溃,他们幸存下来,大约在公元前9世纪,他们成为中东领先的、然后是领先的帝国政策。所以,观察那些在“突然”事件中幸存下来的社会是很有趣的,当你查看数据时,尤其是,我当时查看的是不是来自崩溃时期而是稍早一些的文本证据——公元前14世纪,尤其是13世纪。

[11:56] 我们拥有来自叙利亚一个名为杜尔-卡特利姆穆(Dur Katlimmu)的城市的楔形文字记录。这些是田地里收成的记录。有趣的是,通过考古和文字记录,我们可以看到,在那个时候,当亚述人在叙利亚贾兹拉地区扩张时。他们显然也有一个非常强大的农业发展计划,这涉及到灌溉。现在这很有趣,因为在亚述传统上,它更像是一个依靠雨养农业的国家。

[12:29] 所以灌溉不是他们传统的一部分。因此,他们在军事上扩张,在政治上扩张,他们也在需要灌溉的地区扩张他们的农业实践,而且很可能是在气候也变得更干燥的时期。所以当我看到这一点时,让我感兴趣的是,这个所谓的突变事件,再一次,它突变持续200年,但它出现在一个始于公元前3千纪末的长期趋势的最末端。

[13:00] 所以整个公元前第二千纪,天气变得越来越,我的意思是说有起有伏,但真正的总体趋势是天气变得越来越干燥。因此,我们在青铜时代晚期看到的这些繁荣社会,也就是阿马尔奈书信时期,古代国际主义的黄金时代,这些社会也是建立在一个正在变得干燥、正在变化的气候框架之上的。所以我感兴趣的是这如何改变图景,使图景复杂化,因为如果我们清楚地看亚述人,我认为他们察觉到气候正在变化。这在一定程度上解释了他们的扩张。

[13:42] 他们去了那些能够获得良好灌溉水源的地区,以便扩大农业生产。但事实是我们有他们生产的记录,我们知道他们做得不是很好。他们的收成产量极低。但作为一个历史学家,让我感兴趣的不是他们失败了,而是他们尝试了。所以他们意识到正在发生某些事情,他们试图预测,试图应对,而他们是否成功在某种程度上在这里并不那么重要,因为我想考察的是社会如何尝试应对气候变化。

[14:21] 所以这个项目很可能是我将要从事的最重要或最重要的项目之一,3CEA项目,但我还有其他正在进行的项目。另一个实际上也关注气候变化与社会,但角度完全不同。那是我们在OI与CRANE项目合作的一部分,CRANE是古代近东计算研究项目。这是一个由加拿大多伦多大学主办的项目,我只是这个非常非常大的项目中的众多合作伙伴之一,我正在与杜伦大学的Lynn Welton博士合作,她几年前曾是OI的博士后。我们就是这样开始合作的。

[15:05] 这实际上是OI的伟大之处,你遇到人,然后开始有研究项目。所以我们所做的是,我们正在研究社会对气候变化的响应,但不是像我们在3CEA这样的项目中所做的那样从考古或文字数据入手,而是尝试使用计算机模型来建模。所以我不是计算机科学家。我完全不会做模型。但Lynn Welton会,所以她正在开发两种不同的模型。一个是基于代理的模型。它模拟一个农业社会以及他们在某些压力条件下会如何反应。

[15:45] 然后在CRANE项目中正在开发的另一个基本上使用IPCC用于模拟未来气候的通用环流模型之一,并将其用于过去时期并使用它们。该模型的一个特点是它达到了非常详细的分析水平。尺度确实是前所未有的。因此,我们将能够专注于大致涵盖叙利亚北部、安纳托利亚东南部的一个区域,我们将尝试模拟行为。

[16:24] 所以,假设气候模型告诉我们,在青铜时代晚期结束时有一个干旱化事件,再一次,青铜时代晚期结束是我们将要建模和研究的时期之一。那么,我们的模型社会会如何应对?他们的策略会是什么?比如说,我们在模型中设定他们可以扩大耕种田地的数量,或者可以集约化耕作,然后我们看看会发生什么。我们通过周期和周期和周期来建模。

[17:00] 所以,当然这不会告诉我们过去发生了什么,但这不是重点。这是在测试情景,然后我们可以查看我们从过去获得的证据,看看模型中的演变是否以任何方式反映了我们在地面上的情况,如果不是,那么也许这表明我们需要重新修改模型,或者也许这表明我们关于他们如何适应的理论是不正确的。所以这是一种看待相同问题的方式,但是颠倒过来。所以我的角色,在这个项目中,正如我所说,不是计算机部分,因为我做不到。但作为历史学家,我正在努力使基于代理的模型,特别是,尽可能真实,因为我知道古代社会如何运作,农业社会如何运作。

[17:47] 所以我试图使模型尽可能接近我们从这些社会中所知道的情况。这对我来说非常令人兴奋,因为这真的迫使我以完全不同于我个人训练的方式看待事物,所以非常令人兴奋,有点可怕,但非常令人兴奋。

查看英文原始字幕

[0:05] Hi, I'm Hervé Reculeau. I'm an assistant professor of Assyriology at the University of Chicago here, at the Oriental Institute and in the Department of Near Eastern languages and civilizations and in the College too. My interest with Assyriology started when I was an undergraduate in in France where I studied at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. I was an undergrad in history and I was interested in the ancient world and for me that meant mostly, you know, Greek and Roman worlds and then I realized that there were other areas, more ancient ones, and I started taking classes in ancient Mesopotamian history and I, I just got hooked and then I got a PhD and well a masters, a PhD and postdocs and you know, I have a job as an Assyriologist.

[0:49] One of the things that I do as an assistant professor here in Assyriology is that I teach students how to read and decipher cuneiform writing on clay tablets and the language that was noted in these clay tablets, which is Akkadian. Actually I'm not the only one who does this. This is one of the great riches here in the University of Chicago that there are four currently, four Assyriology professors. Martha Roth, Susanne Paulus, John Wee and myself and there's also Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee, who's a linguist but whose work really focuses on Akkadian, so students really have the opportunity to learn from specialists of different periods, different kind of scripts, different kinds of dialects, the different ways in which Akkadian evolved throughout the millennia and that's something that is offered I think almost nowhere else in the world.

[1:40] So I'm currently involved in a collaborative project that's called, we call it for short 3CEA - Coping with Changing Climates in Early Antiquity. So that's a project that involves some faculty and graduate students here at the University of Chicago but also colleagues and students from Perdue University and the University of Michigan. We are very fortunate because we received an award from the Humanities Without Walls consortium, which is funded by the Andrew W Mellon Foundation, to support collaboration and interdisciplinary among the humanities.

[2:12] So this is a project that is looking at how ancient societies in Egypt, in Anatolia, in the eastern Mediterranean dealt with episodes of climate change. So, the evidence that we use to reconstruct climate change, obviously we cannot measure like temperature and rainfall in antiquity because we don't have the measures that we use for modern climate change. So one of the first things that is required is to have proxy data - data that can tell you what the climate was like in the past. So these are things like ice cores, lake sediments, pollens, all these elements that record parts of the climatic patterns in the past. So this is not something that we do ourselves, this is a field that has been booming in the past 30 years that's called paleoclimatology and now this field has reached a degree of maturity where really we have a good idea of how climate evolved throughout the millennia and with dendrochronology and radiocarbon dating we can also point these over the chronological scale.

[3:17] So this is the climatic part. But when you look at climate in societies, of course, you also want to look at the societies part and that's where we come into play because for us what is interesting is not so much how climate evolves through times but how it affected ancient societies. How they perceived climate change. How they reacted to it. So that's where you need to have people who can well excavate and understand archaeological material or read ancient texts like Egyptologists, Hittitologists or myself as an Assyriologist.

[3:52] Well, climate by definition is a very important component of ancient history because all societies in the past were agrarian societies. Even these societies that we study in Mesopotamia, in Egypt, we think of them as urban societies because of course they created very important cities but the background for these cities was agriculture, was the countryside. People that we don't often see in the text because they are not elites. They do not partake to the world of the palace or the temple but they are the people who were sustaining the whole system, the foundations of the societies.

[4:27] So everybody in these societies would have been very aware of anything connected to agriculture and my work really focuses on agriculture. So what matters for people who are working on agriculture? I mean for these, the peasants or the landlords or the tax collectors because the taxes are also based on agricultural production. It's not so much climate actually, it's the weather. It's what kind of weather you get at what, which point in the year, in the agricultural cycle. If you have enough rainfall or irrigation water for your crops to grow, if the temperature is adequate, et cetera, et cetera.

[5:05] So when we look at climate change, we actually look at something a little different. Climate is not the weather. Climate is an extrapolation of the weather, if you will, over a longer period of time. In modern science this is used through statistics. You take all these different factors of climates like rainfall temperature and others and you look at the mean and variability of a period that is conventionally 30 years. Of course, we don't have these statistics for the past but in a way we don't need them because what is important is that everybody perceives climates.

[5:43] I don't do statistics, but I know what kind of weather is expected at that time of year and that's what we all do all the time when we have this small talk about climate. Oh, it's pretty, it's pretty rainy for the season or it's pretty sunny for the season or it's pretty warm. This is because human beings have an anticipation of what their environment, what the weather should be and what interests us as historians of the past is that people act based on these and it's on these expectations. So if the actual climate is changing, what is interesting for us is do they change their expectations?

[6:23] Or do they still stick to this anticipation, these expectations that they have and then maybe behave in a way that will not be optimal for the kind of climate that is now evolving. So one of the things that we are interested in, in this project especially, is to look at ancient climate change in a way that is quite different from the way it is depicted in most popular books or in newspapers when they report about and informally in a lot of, actually in a lot of scientific articles also.

[6:58] As I said we have this very important amount of data that has been produced over the past thirty years and in a way it has taken over the discussion above the discussion on climate change in antiquity and it is of course correlated to the way we are perceiving climate change today and the fears that we have for the future. What we are trying to put back in the picture and trying to make people aware of is that climate change has never been in the past, or I think in the present and future, something that is a deterministic force that you know takes over social agency.

[7:41] So one of the most popular ways of depicting ancient climate change is to look at it as the cause for social collapse. That's a very strong narrative, something that you can read a lot in newspapers, in books, for the general audience, and in some, in some scientific research too. The problem with that discourse is that it usually does not really represent what the material really tells us. One of the main issues is that it's very hard to come, to correlate ancient climatic data, paleoclimatic data and historical data, archeological data because these work at very different scales of time and of space.

[8:27] So when you look at a curve of ancient changes in the climate, sometimes two hundred three hundred years will be just one dot on that curve, but for us as historians there's a lot happening in two hundred years and so one of the things that we are trying to to do is to make people aware that you know the way societies respond, the way human beings act actually have an importance that needs to be taken into consideration for the past and I think also for the present and the future.

[9:00] Let me just take an example, one of the cases that I'm studying on currently is what is called the collapse of the Late Bronze Age. That's one of the most famous cases where you have, in Anatolia, the Hittites on the, in the Levant, in the eastern Mediterranean, in the Aegean, a number of societies that disappear roughly at the same times, around the 12th century BC and there's one important narrative about this collapse that says well this was correlated with an abrupt climatic event around the 12th to 10th century BC.

[9:43] Now, the difficulty is how did they correlate and can we, can we make correlation equate causation? And that's where often the logical fallacy is. Because as I said, we have these difficulties in time scale. So, first of all when you look at the detail, at the data carefully, you realize that collapse is maybe too big of a word. There are many cases where patterns of continuity can be found if you look for them. So that's one of the first issues. The second one, I think more generally, and that's something that Eric Cline pointed out in a book that he published a few years ago about that very episode of collapse, is that it's very rare in history that one single cause creates social collapse.

[10:26] It's always what he calls a perfect storm of calamities that makes societies go past a certain tipping point. But more importantly for, for us in the project and for me, especially in my work, what I'm trying to see is do we really have an abrupt episode that is working on this, in this pattern of, you know, climate, bad climate, causes social collapse? This is a very strong narrative because it's simple. Good climate, civilization. Bad climate, end of civilization. That's very easy. Everybody understands that. The problem is that it's not true.

[11:11] So one of the things that I did when I was working, I was interested in Assyria at first because that's what I would study as a cuniformist and also because it's a very interesting situation, Assyria, in that same period because they did not collapse. This is, there's this general assumption that they went through harder times, at least as a political entity. But they did not collapse, they survived and around the 9th century BC they became one of the leading and then the leading Imperial policy in the Middle East. So it's interesting to look at the ones who survived through that "abrupt" episode and when you look at the data and especially, I was looking at textual evidence that comes not from that time of the collapse but just before - the 14th and especially the 13th century BC.

[11:56] We have cuniform records from a city called Dur Katlimmu in Syria. And these are the records of the harvests on the fields. And what is interesting is that through the archaeological and the textual record we can see that, at that point, when the Assyrians were expanding in the Syrian Jazira. They also apparently had a very strong program of agrarian development and this involved irrigation. Now that's interesting because in Assyria traditionally, it's more of a rain-fed agriculture country.

[12:29] So irrigation is not part of their traditions. So they're expanding militarily, they're expanding their politics, and they're also expanding their agrarian practices in areas where you need irrigation and also probably in a time when the climate was also becoming drier. So what was interesting for me, when I looked at this, is that this so-called abrupt episode, once again it's abrupt for 200 years, but it comes at the very end of a long trend that started at the end of the 3rd millennium BC.

[13:00] So all throughout the second millennium BC the weather was getting, I mean there are ups and downs, but really the general trend is that the weather was getting drier. And so these societies that we see flourishing in the Late Bronze Age, that's the time of the Amarna correspondence, the Golden Age of internationalism in the ancient times, these were also being built on the frame of a climate that was becoming drier, that was changing. So what interests me is how this changes the pictures, complicates the pictures, because if we look at the Assyrians clearly, I think that they perceive that climate was changing. That's, that explained partly their expansion.

[13:42] They went to areas where they had access to good irrigation water so that they could expand their agrarian production. But the fact is we have the records of their productions and we know that they were not very good. The harvest yields that they have are extremely poor. But what interested me as a historian is not that they failed, it's that they tried. So they were realizing that something was happening and they tried to anticipate, they tried to deal with it and whether they, it worked or not is in a way not so much what matters here because what I want to look at is how societies try to cope with climate change.

[14:21] So this project is probably going to be one of the most or the most important project I'm going to work on, the 3CEA project, but I have also other projects that are ongoing. Another one actually is also focusing on climate change in society, but from a completely different angle. That's part of a collaboration that we have here at OI with the CRANE project, which is the Computational Research on the Ancient Near East. It's a project that is hosted at the University of Toronto in Canada and I'm just one of many partners in this very, very big project and I'm working with Dr. Lynn Welton who's from Durham University and who was a postdoc at the OI a few years ago. That's how we started collaborating.

[15:05] That's what is great with the OI actually, you meet people and then you start having research projects. So what we do is that we are looking at social response to climate change, but not from the archaeological or the textual data as we would do in a project like 3CEA, but we're trying to model it using computer models. So I'm not a computer scientist. I'm not able to do models at all. But Lynn Welton is, so she is developing two different models. One that is an agent-based model. So it's modeling an agrarian society and how they would react under certain conditions of stress.

[15:45] And then the other one that is being developed within the CRANE project is basically using one of the general, general circulation models that is being used by the IPCC to model future climates and to use them for past periods and to use them. One of the specificities of that model is that it goes to a very detailed level of analysis. The scale is, is really unprecedented. So we are, we will be able to focus on really an area that roughly encompasses northern Syria, southern southeastern Anatolia and we'll try to model behavior.

[16:24] So, let's say we, the climate model tells us well we have this aridification episode around the end of the Late Bronze Age, and once again, the end of the Late Bronze Age is one of the periods that we are going to model and look at. So, how would our model society respond to that? What would be their strategy? So say, we say that we give into the model that they can, you know, expand their, the number of fields that they're cultivating or they can intensify their cultivation and then we see how, what happens. We model this through cell cycle and cycle and cycle.

[17:00] So, of course this is not going to tell us what happened in the past, but that's not the point. This is testing scenarios and then we can look at the evidence that we have from the past and we see, well, does the evolution in the model mirror in any way what we have on the ground and if not, well, maybe that's an indication that we need to rework on the model, or maybe that's an indication that our theory of how they would adapt is not the right one. So that's a way to look at the same questions, but upside down. So my role So my role in this in this project is, as I said, not the computer part because I cannot do it. But as a historian, I'm working on making the agent base model, especially, the most realistic because I know how ancient societies worked, agrarian societies worked.

[17:47] So I'm trying to make the model the closest possible to what this, to what we know from these societies. That's very exciting for me because that's really forcing me to look at things in the way that are completely alien to my personal training so it's very exciting, a little scary, but very exciting.

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